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Tennyson's poetry 18822-1842: an examination of the sustained conflict between aesthetic detachment and social involvement and the poet's attempt at a reconciliation of the two
(University of Dar es Salaam, 1969) Jones, Frank G. K
During the past forty-five years, the poetic career of Alfred Lord Tennyson has been repeatedly probed and scrutinized by a number of critics attempting to explain and interpret the Victorian Laureate and his work for the twentieth century reader. One consequence of these efforts at critical revaluation has been the development of a decided conflict among students of Tennyson concerning the poet's attitude towards the prevailing values and mores of England during the nineteenth century, and more specifically, concerning the question of to what extent, if any, Tennyson adjusted his own views and private insights to coincide with those widely held by his contemporaries. The first chapter of this thesis examines briefly the most prominent of these critical estimates and delineates from among them two major schools of Tennysonian criticism, one of which is deemed untenable while the other is adopted as the basis for the current study. The position recognized as definitive for this thesis is that Tennyson, throughout his poetic career, was an artist who continually tried to reconcile or at least hold in balance the ardent the school he attended in Louth. In addition to the se biographical details, Chapter Two also examines Tennyson's first published verses in Poems by Two Brothers as well as certain unpublished works: a play in blank verse, The Devil and the Lady, and the Unpublished Early Poems written during the Somersby period. Drawing upon both the events and experiences of Tennyson's childhood in Lincolnshire and the impressions and in sights revealed in his early poetic compositions, the chapter concludes by setting forth the fundamental elements of a nascent, though clearly discernible, dichotomy between the poet's profound concern for participation and involvement in the wider community of men and his wholly antithetical repudiation of any interest in society manifested in his complete and recurrent withdrawal into a private realm beyond the limits of time and space, a remote, mystical world the essence of which lay in the depths of his own imaginative being. The third chapter of this thesis continues the examination of those distinctive qualities of Tennyson's personality which were rooted in the Somersby experience and which were reflected in young Alfred's earliest poetic endeavors. It considers as well the influence of Tennyson's three-year tenure at Cambridge University upon the development of these qualities and upon the expanding range of his artistic competence. Recounting the loneliness and melancholy of his first months at Trinity College, his disenchantment with the academic curriculum and the anxieties arising from his growing religious doubts, the narrative describes a general malaise which haunted the young Lincolnshire undergraduate and which was not to be dispelled until he formed that abiding friendship with Arthur Hallam and subsequently became a member of the Cambridge Apostles. The effect of these two significant events upon Tennyson, both as a man and as a poet, is carefully considered and evaluated. Yet the major interest of this chapter lays not so much in biographical events as in a discussion of Poems, Chiefly Lyrical and the Unpublished Early Poems of this period. Accordingly, several lesser, though recurrent, themes of these volumes are reviewed briefly while a detailed analysis is made of the most prominent - that is, Tennyson's growing ambivalence towards society and his increasing uncertainty as to the role of poetry in the third decade of the nineteenth century, a problem exemplified by the fact that he sought to adhere simultaneously to two antithetical poetic ideals: the "Romantic" school, devoted to a subjective poetry of personal experience, and the "Classical" school, dedicated to an objective poetry dealing largely with religious, moral and political ideas. Chapter Four is almost exclusively devoted to a close examination of Poems, 1833, a volume in which were first published some of Tennyson's finest compositions: "The Hesperides," "The Lotos-Eaters," "The Lady of Shallot," "The Palace of Art," "Oenone" and "A Dream of Fair Women." While each of these poems possesses its own intrinsic qualities and while each lends itself to a variety of interpretations, many of which have a universal appeal, each at the same time reflects an aspect of the poet's own artistic predicament - the problem of bringing together into a cogent aesthetic order the conflicting principles of the poetry of reflection, concerned primarily with the palpable interests of contemporary society, and the poetry of sensation for which the only criterion is the desire for beauty in the creation of a sensitive expression of a deeply moving personal experience. In none of these poems, however, does Tennyson find a solution to his artistic dilemma. Instead, his best efforts simply state the problem of dialectical counterpoise, the holding in tension of two incompatible goals or ideals for which there seems to be no true synthesis. Chapter Four also includes a discussion of Tennyson's less accomplished contributions to Poems, 1833 such as "Fatima," "The Sisters" and "Mariana in the South" as well as "The Miller's Daughter" and "The May Queen" all of which are noteworthy because they explore concepts closely related to the poet's central problem of aesthetics. The fifth chapter of this paper is principally concerned with a careful review of the new compositions published in Poems, 1842, compositions which were written during the ten years' silence that followed the sudden and shocking death of Arthur Hallam in 1833. To a lesser degree the discussion dwells upon the revisions Tennyson made in the poems of 1832 which he republished in 1842. In the consideration of both the new and the revised works, attention is centered upon three major areas: Tennyson's growth as an artist, the profound effect which Hallam's death had upon the poet, and most importantly (and by no means unrelated to the former two), the subtle change in Tennyson's attitude towards his continuing artistic dilemma. This important shift in attitude was in spired by the poet's growing desire to communicate more readily with the nineteenth century reading public and his sincere wish to reconcile the sustained conflict between aesthetic detachment and social involvement. However, in his efforts to effect this reconciliation, Tennyson at times made concessions to contemporary literary fashion which involved a certain sacrifice of his artistic integrity. This is especially apparent in the "English Idylls." Yet in other poems of the 1842 collection, and indeed with increasing facility throughout his long career, Tennyson was able, if not to achieve a genuine synthesis of the two opposing ideals, at least to hold in balance to the satisfaction of his audience and himself both elements of the dialectic.
The outbreak and development of the Maji Maji War; 1905-1907
(University of Dar es Salaam, 1973) Gwassa, Gilbert Clement Kamana
Wars of resistance against colonial rule in Africa cannot be viewed as an isolated and unique experience of the resistors. The mode of resistance and the strategy of violence was very much shaped by their previous historical experiences. Since the fifteenth century East African societies had been experiencing series of external impacts including the introduction of new forms of worship such as Islam and Christianity. Eventually the Oman Arabs and other Asians established themselves in Zanzibar and on coastal centres leading to the growth of the so-called Swahili culture in those areas. The resulting increase in long distance trade and slave trade had far reaching effects on the African societies. Kilwa and its hinterland was one of the most important bases of these developments on the mainland coast. On the other hand African societies themselves were undergoing internal transformations and adjustments as a result of wars, migrations, trading and natural population increase or decrease as the case might be. These changes had important cultural implications particularly in connection with social values, norms and standards of the people as a whole. At the same time, however, the growing technological gap and consequent economic dependency on the international capitalist system was increasingly being emphasized. These processes did not operate equally or in the same way and form everywhere. But they must be seen as important indicators of how a given society in East Africa could react against specific colonial pressures. Thus although the Maji Maji societies had to evolve a new ideology to unite the various ethnic groups against a technologically superior for such innovation had to be based on those ideas, beliefs and socio-historical experiences extant amongst those people. In other words when the crisis of colonial exploitation and oppression made violence a necessity the people of Southern Tanzania possessed cultural potentialities which made such an innovation possible. Similarly, although the military scale had to be enlarged and systematized on a supra-ethnic level, once the war broke out it drew heavily on the resources of traditional methods of warfare of the various ethnic groups.The African use of traditional guerrilla methods alarmed the German forces as their dependency on mercenaries and on a policy of total extermination became a dominant feature. If previous experiences, beliefs and ideas were important, the people's techniques of liberation were subsequently conditioned by their experiences and outcome of these mass wars. The Maji Maji peoples had suffered a lot. Violence as a technique of liberation was thereafter suspected. Indeed examples elsewhere in Africa do not suggest a return to mass violence once the first attempt has been terribly suppressed. Traditional methods of warfare became of less consequence as the mercenary principle became consolidated by the colonial system. The Maji Maji war created several problems. Firstly, there was acute depopulation of Southern Tanzania. Secondly, a considerable generation gap was created and the birth rate was reduced, probably by 25%. As a result the peasant economies of the people were distorted and weakened for a long time. The situation was aggravated by the effects of the first World War and labour migration in some of the Maji Maji areas. Clearly then, the Maji Maji war affected the subsequent history of Southern Tanzania in particular and of the country as a whole. It was impossible for the people to forget the war and the fright-fullness and ruthlessness of the colonial power. The fear of violence did not mean acceptance of the colonial system. The movement provided a potential appeal which could be utilized by future leadership both in mobilisation of the people into an alternative but more articulate technique of liberation and in providing legitimacy for the new technique. When TANU organized on a mass principle and appealed to the Maji Maji war there were fears amongst colonial circles of possibility of a mass violence just as Africans suspected Nyerere was another Kinjikitile. The witchcraft eradication movements after the First World War and even Islamic revivalist movements were suppressed for fear they would turn into another Maji Maji. In other words a study of African wars of resistance is a study of violent manifestations of contradictions in colonialism as a system in its socio-economic spheres. It is also a study in the use of ideas in history and in the problem of the search for focus in the process of liberation. Extreme mass colonial pressure in Southern Tanzania led to mass violence once there was a promise that the technological superiority of the colonial rulers could be overcome by mass mobilization and adaptation of traditional leadership and methods of warfare to the impending war. This promise derived from the ideas of the people as shown above. In turn the new ideology raised the people's consciousness and commitment to the mass principle. The promise legitimatized the war. These factors make the study of wars of resistance in colonial and ex-colonial countries both interesting and important. The war, beginning in the middle of July 1905 spread very quickly throughout its area through a variety of factors. The ethnic intermixture of the area facilitated communication and exchange of news and ideas. Secondly a highly organized messenger system spread plans between areas. The use of a war drum called lilunga or kilingondo, a technique that was traditional throughout the Maji Maji areas, announced successive outbreaks of warfare in various localities. In the dispersal area the so called hongos were also an important factor in spreading the news of battlefields and the initial successes of the Maji Maji forces. These factors were strengthened by other factors. The Germany had not comprehended fully the initial preparations for the war. The Maji Maji organizers had succeeded in keeping the real plans for war secret. Secondly the Germans were relatively ignorant of Southern Tanzania and they were fewer there. Few askari were scattered in the area. They could not therefore check such a movement in its initial stages. Thirdly once the movement was underway the Germans were frightened by it as they frantically tried to reinforce their force which would be formidable enough to face the mass challenge. The Maji Maji forces won initial victories in the actual fighting. In this period the tendency was to emphasize conventional battle warfare in which they normally attacked from three fronts. When the strengthened German forces began systematic suppression the Africans changed to various guerrilla methods which baffled the Germans. In turn the German forces embarked on systematic scorched earth policy and general harrying of each and every village and its people, fields, crops and domestic animals. The Africans in the end were weakened and overpowered. They were defeated terribly and fined heavily, the war was followed by a terrible famine and epidemics which killed many more. After the famine Maji Maji songs of blame began to be composed. The people then thought it had all been a swindle from which they had to run in future.
Women as portrayed in the oral literature of Buhaya: the case of ‘Kilenzi’ an Epic.
(University of Dar es Salaam, 1974) Kaijage, T.J.
In the particular performance on which this text is based this is how the performer introduced himself. Aho enshonga nimbanza kutela enanga Rya Kyakaohwaenyanga Ryomukazi kweholelaiba Kandi inyealikutela Ndi HabibuSelemani- Bugandika TRANSLATION Now I am beginning to play the ‘enanga’ -of the unusual graves -of the women who avenged her husband’s death. And I who is playing Am Habibu Selemani (of)-Bugandika. This kind of introduction is characteristic of all nanga performance in Buhaya. It is formal and it is peculiar to the nanga. It is not found or practiced in other genres of oral literature, one does not have to introduce a song, a tale or a story, an idiom or a proverb, in such a formal manner. Sundiata has a similar introduction. The first words of the GriotMamadouKouyate are “I am a griot. It is I, DjeliMamoudouKouyate, master in the art of eloquence.” Niane D.T. Sundiate: An Epic of Old Mali, Longmans, London, 1966 Kilenzi is an epic of exceptional qualities. While other epics have Kings (superhuman powers and other mythical) with characters for their heroes, the characters in Kilenzi are real people living in a real society in the real world. The artist has been careful enough to avoid a situation in which the supernatural would dominate the epic thus making the events sound humanity impossible. The heroic feats described in the epic narrative are of the extraordinary kind and thus they characterize the work as an epic. But, for example, in the of Nyakandalo, when she carries out her revenge and slits the throats of hundreds of people singlehandedly, the artist is careful enough to minimize the supernatural effect by mentioning that the process tok place when her victims were dead a sleep. This has a dramatic effect on the audience for it increases their admiration for Nyakandalo. She is characterized as a cunning genius who is endowed with extraordinary powers of calculation. She is tactful and cautious and she knows how to weigh her chances of success before she makes any move. This kind of approach helps to make the epic, Kilenzi, more realistic and convincing, even to a modern audience. The setting of the epic, too, is of literary significance. It has something of the Shakespearian and Miltonic qualities. In the actual performance the performer produced the drum effect by manipulating the nanga music right at the beginning of his performance. The audience was made to feel the tense atmosphere of the wardrums, just like the Shakespearian audience would be able to feel the effect of the storm in the tempest. The same war effect is produced, when Kilenzi is in the battlefield. There is similar tension when Nyakandalo slits the throats of Lulyabibwa and his relatives. On the whole, the nanga music complements the narration and enriches the performance. No wonder, then, that the nangaperformance cans last overnight without the audience feeling the slightest boredom. Of course, it is always accompanied by alcoholic drinks, so there is no question of the performer’s throat ever getting dry. The nangainstrument, from which the epic derives its names, is the best friend of the epic artist. Without it he would not be able to narrate the story for he values the music part of the narration. Members of the audience, however, can and often do narrate the story or parts of it, but such narrations fall into the story telling part of oral literature. They do not quality to be called nanga epics. “Okutelaenanga” or to play the ‘enanga’ is the term applied to the epic performance. But the music and the narration are the essential qualities of the nanga performance. And only the traditional nanga instrument, not any other instrument, is played. Kilenzi has been carefully selected from the whole collection of nanga epics because it is the only work of oral art that can best illustrate my point about women. While other works mention women just in passing or even deny them a place at all, Kilenzi is an epic dedicated to a women. It is the only works of art, out of all the genres examined in my research, which gives women such recognition and which gives a women character such a heroic role. I thought, therefore, that since my aim was to discuss the women of my society as they emergrd in the oral literature of the society, kilenzi would give me the foundation on which to base my discussion. Its quality as a work of art also offred me the chance to broaden my topic by discoussing not only women, but also other issues arising from the artistic nature of the epic and its relation to the realisties in society. Both versions of Kilenzi are included in this dissertation, the original text in Luhaya and my own translation, from Luhaya into English. These form the first part of the dissertation and it is on this part that the second part, the analysis, is based. I admit that my translation is lacking in and rhythm which characterize the original text, but I also admit that I missed the accompaniment of the nanga music and the feedback of the audience when I was translating. This may not sound convincing enough but it is true that the mood of the audience and the music accompanying the performance have a rhythmic effect on the narration since they affect speed and the choice of words in oral performance.there are a few words which I deliberately left untranslated. Such words are explained in the footnotes which follow immediately after the text and reasons are given for not translating them. My main reason, however, is that since English has, so far, tolerated French words and words from other European languages, I do not see why it shoukd not be able to accommodate a few Luhaya words, especially in the few cases where a translation would distort the literary context. The division of the text into different stanzas is mine and I welcome any suggestions for amendments in my versification. On the whole, I accept any criticisms, especially regarding my translation and my stanzation, for, since there is not much that has so far been done in the way of prompting the epics of Buhaya, this may be the beginning of a worthwhile literary exercise. As such it would benefit from any ideas that would help to give it a good foundation. With this welcome the reader to go through Kilenzi and judge for himself or herself the greatness of this epic.
A socio-linguistic description of and its points of contact with kishambala
(University of Dar es Salaam, 1974) Besha, Mfumbwa Ruth
A Field work: The field work was done in two trips of three months each, April to June, 1972, and September to November, 1973. The first ono and a half months were a familiarization period, when I visited people, talked to thon informally, and Explained the purpose of my study. In this way I managed to get friends who invited me to their homes and introduced me to other friends. During this time, I was able to collect the oral history and observe the social relationships in the community. I also made a beginning at Learning the language, and got introduction to both Kimaa and Kimbughu. I avoided using the tape-recorder or carrying my writing pad around, as that would have put off my informants. During the following one and a half months of the first trip, I started using the tape recorder by taping any conversation, net necessarily in Kimaa, and thon playing it back to the informants. This type of fi feed-back t' proved to be very helpful in familiarising thorn with- the machine and they later freely talked in Kinaa while the tape recorder uses running. It was always important to play bock the tape, so as to prove to thorn that the machine 't took only these words or things Which they said and intended to be heard. After the initial suspicion of the purpose of my trip was over, and my informants got used to the tape recorder, it was easy far mo to use my writing pad to record words and sentences Which I then road aloud, studied at home, and repeated to my t teacher’s t the next day. The second trip was more interesting because I know just where to and wham to contact. This time, I was fortunate the got an informant on Kimaa who knew how to road and urito. This young man was very patient and understanding, and ho did nut only help me to improve my knowledge of Kimaa, he also helped me to transcribe a lot of the material which I had collected earlier. Learning Kimaa was by no means easy. I had no problem with Kimbughu because of my knowledge of Kishambala; although I could not speak it, it was easy to understand. Kirnaa took much longer to learn and I never managed to have more than a working knowledge of the language. That is, I was able to understand much of what was being said, but I never mastered the pronunciation to the point of conversing freely. On the other hand, after the first once and a half month, I at least knew where to mark the morpheme boundaries, which proved very important in writing down sentences spoken in informal conversations. The material collected on Kimaa is of two main types (i) Much of it was tape recorded in informal gatherings. After the first one and a half months, my informants ignored my presence and talked in Kimaa whenever I was around without being reminded to do so. In this way I was able to keep the tape recorder running while at the same time listening to the "switches” in their speech, from Kimaa to Kimbughu to kighambala. (i i) The root of the material was written down. I wrote down words and sentences in Kishambale and thon asked for the equivalents in Kimaa and Kimbughu. The material on the history of the Wamaa and their relationship with the Washambala was mostly done orally. Some of it was tape recorded. But most of the time I relied cn taking down notes, and asking a question here and another there from different people, among both the Jamaa and the Washambala. B. The Chief Informants: It is obvious that in research work of the nature described above, informants play a very major role. So it is just appropriate that I should devote a While section to my chief informants and helpers, and the role each, individually or in groups, played.
Language policy in Tanzanian primary schools with emphasis on implementation
(University of Dar es Salaam, 1974) Mvungi, Martha Vivian
The thesis is study if new language policy on Swahili in Tanzanian primary school, with a special emphasis on whether its implementation affects the learning and teaching of the English language. In order to determine any effects of the policy on the English Language, area of investigations which seemed relevant to study were defined. These were people’s attitude towards languages, people’s awareness of and reactions to the new policy and how various sectors (including the government) participated in the implementation of the policy, as well as the quality of implementation. For this purpose, the populations chosen for survey were school children, student teachers, comities and official or semi-official bodies. The reason for such an approach is that, given any new policy, if people are aware of the policy to begin with if they favour it and implement it accordingly, the chances are that any counter-factor would not receive the same attention and might suffer from considerable neglect. This study is based on the hypothesis that, if the new policy on Swahili was well received ij terms of awareness and implementation, English, would relative to Swahili, receive less interest and be less well taught in schools and consequently would suffer from neglecting. The introduction specifies the method by which the hypothesis was tested and describes the procedures of questionnaire, interviews, and rated observations. Chapter one gives a historical background to the problem of language in education in Tanzania, stating that Swahili, which had a written script dating as far back as the 10th century, was not given its rightful chance as a medium of instruction in schools during colonial times. This avoidance of Swahili was due to fears of its unifying power among tribes in the country which could have resulted in political unity, as well as to the European tendency to attribute inferiority to African languages. The exception of the missionaries’ use of tribal language use out of fear of losing African catechists to the city, urban life being another factor in possible wider integrations among tribes. Thus, with political independence, it became feasible to introduce the new policy on language to meet new educational demands for Tanzanian children, a step leading to a more permanent educational policy on language. Chapter two is a presentation of the data collected from Iringa, Dar es salaam, and Morogoro regions. The regions were selected because of their accessibility to the investigator. It is felt that any similarly regions studied would have yielded much the same quantitative results. The general conclusion drawn from teachers’ students’, pupils’, and community members’ responses and from rated observations contradicts the hypothesis that the new language policy is adversely affecting the teaching of the English language. The new policy on language has met problems at implementation level due to prevailing conscious attitude of both policy maker and implementers, scarcity of good teaching materials, and lack of guidance, coordination and incentives. A strong inference is made that there are problems in the educational system which affect not only language teaching and learning but also learning and teaching of other subjects. These are partly connected with misinterpretations of the educational policy. In conclusion, the last chapter relates the question of language to the total question of education, showing that language is very important to the cognitive and emotional development of the child. It involves the total mental capacity of the child and should therefore be taken into account in the total structure of education. This central importance of language means that it must be carefully and systematically taught. A case for the importance of English instruction is also argued in this chapter. Suggestions are made as to what could be done in order to provide better implementation. These suggestions include description of on-going project at Ife in Nigeria as one grade of primary school teachers; the change of course content; provision of teaching materials and coordination of programs. These should be seen as part of major structural changes which are necessary in order to implement effectively language policy inherent in education for self-reliance.
Cash crop production in Shinyanga district, Tanzania;1920-1967
(University of Dar es Salaam, 1975) Madaha, Jacob
The study deals with cash crop production in Shinyanga District in 1920 to 1967. It is intended to unvail the nature and intensity of colonial extraction of raw material from Shinyanga and its effects on the economy and society. The study will add to the political economy of Tanzania now being written. Field research was done in December 1974 to February 1975. Data was collected through interviews with informants. Secondary data was collected from documentary sources particularly from the Tanzania national Archives and also from files and other documents of the Shinyanga Umoja Stores Ltd which between 1967 and 1967 served farmers in Shinyanga District. The thesis is divided into five chapters. Chapter one is introductory. It explores the economy and society of Shinyanga before 1920 in order to give a background historical perspective to the thesis. Chapters two and three explain the beginning, spread, nature and intensity of Cash Crop growing carried out by the British Administration and its effects on society in Shinyanga. These two chapters show the various shifts, in economic policies, and implementation caused by the 1930 - 33 World Depression. The chapter cover the period 1920 1938. Chapter four deals with the period 1939 to 1955. This was a crucial time in the political economy of Shinyanga, for almost all crops were exported for the requirements of the War. It was time of maximum exploitation of Shinyanga. The chapter also deals with various schemes that were started to rectify the economic situation after the war. The last chapter covers the last part of colonial period in Tanganyika and the time of independent Tanganyika and the time of independent Tanganyika that is 1956 1967. It mainly deals with the cooperative movement of cotton growers and the benefits the farmers got from such a movement. Finally there is an evaluation of the effect of all these economic changes on Shinyanga economy and society.
Socialist consciousness formation in Tanzania schools: a brief survey of some Tanzanian secondary school
(University of Dar es Salaam, 1975) Shengena, Joe J
The objective of this survey has been to attempt to study three main things. (a) to investigate the extent and scope of change of attitudes and norms among students in Tanzania Secondary Schools in the period since the Arusha Declaration, 1967 to 1975; (b) to examine the level of consciousness of these students by testing their understanding of the meanings of certain basic socialist concepts. (c) To try to identify the factors in the structure and practice of schools and the social environment which seem to be contributing factors to the observed change of attitudes and the level of socialist consciousness. The methodology included a questionnaire survey. This survey is based on questionnaire responses from students in secondary schools. The 1975 survey, is made up of three secondary schools representing about 2.5% of all the public secondary schools in Tanzania at the current period. They were deliberately selected due to their homogeneity in certain aspects, la factory which is important when a sample is severely small. Only form four students were selected. A total of 269 students were surveyed. Minaki 106, Tanga 47 and Old Moshi 116. The research and discussion in presented in four major parts. The first part provides a framework on education and ideology. It stresses that there is no neutral education, for practice has shown that education is always an instrument for disseminating and furthering the values of and attitudes of the ruling class in every society. The second part is devoted to the research objectives and methodology used in collecting the data. The third part which forms of the core of their search, deals with the interpretation of the data collected in both this research (1975) and the one of 1966. It is divided into three sections: comparative value change since 1966, the new concepts of information and the agents for the observed change. The analysis is presented in percentages and tables. The observed change or formation are noted by the size of the percentages. The fourth part deals with a general appraisal of the whole survey results. An attempt; is also made on criticism and self criticism for future strategies for increased socialist consciousness through the education system in Tanzania. It is hoped that the result of this research will also shift the emphasis from the general citizenship norms to socialist norms and in this way contribute to the continuing debates on socialist construction in Tanzania
An examination of the segmental phonology of Haya
(University of Dar es Salaam, 1975) Byarushengo, Ernest R
Tanzania is going through a linguistic revolution. Swahili is quickly becoming an effective national (and official) language. English is reaching more and more people every year. Other foreign languages especially French are being taught in school. There is now the proposal of introducing portuguese. At no point, however, is there is no official public policy to promote or standardise them. The result is that in addition to normal internally motivated changes, they are acquiring foreign elements rapidly. Consequently, they are slowly but effectively becoming things of the past.While these languages have probably little or no role to play in matters of national politics, they remain the linguistic heritage of a majority of people as it will take some decades before Swahili becomes the linguistic heritage of all Tanzanians. It seems imperative, therefore, that every attempt should be made to ensure that different aspects of these languages be documented before they either undergo complete extinction or their real nature is obscured by accelerated borrowing. In any case Swahili depends heavily on the indigenous languages for its own development. It is these languages “upon which Swahili leans for its major borrowings” Khamisi (1974:288). The present work was embarked upon because of the foregoing considerations. It is intended to document one aspect of one of Tanzania’s indigenous languages. Consequently, it deals less with the justification or otherwise of current theories in linguistics but rather employs these theories to describe the given aspect of the language. It is hoped that the facts, data and arguments presented here will facilitate and form the basis for the continuing examination of the more theoretical aspects. The first part of Chapter one introduces the reader to the language. In Part Two are discussed problems of classifying the consonantal and vocalic segments of Haya. Part Three examines the nature of the syllable. Finally, Part Four deals briefly with the role of tone in the language. Chapter Two discusses the kinds of Haya segments and their classification. Part One identifies the segments and classifies them in traditional terms (i.e. place and manner of articulation). Part Two assigns features (mainly of the Chomsky and Halle variety) to the segments. Part Three examines redundant feature specifications. Finally, Chapter Three discusses the phonological processes that take place in Haya, Part One being concerned with consonants and Part Two with vowels. Footnotes to all the chapters are given immediately after Chapter Three. There are three appendices. Appendix A gives possible phonetic intervocalic occurrences of consonants. Appendix B gives the class (concord) markers in Haya. Appendix C is a summary of all the rules discussed in the text and is meant to facilitate quick reference to these rules.
An economic history of Rungwe district, 1890 - 1962: some aspects of social and economic changes among the Nyakyusa
(University of Dar es Salaam, 1975) Mbwiliza, Joseph F
This study is a modest contribution to the discussion about the relationship between colonialism and underdevelopment. Its focus is mainly directed at an examination of the effect of the penetration of a market oriented colonial economy into a society whose social and economic institutions had been a result of the development of productive forces is the subsistence oriented economy. The study begins with the creation of colonial situation in the district from about 1890 and goes up to independence in 1962. The research methodology combined both archival and field research during which people of various walks of life in Rungwe district were interviewed. Among these were the returned migrants, traditional leaders the ex Amafum and Malafyale, government and mission officials and by way of contrast looked specifically for those who did not go out of Rungwe to look for wage labour. Other information was obtained from the National archives of Tanzania and Zambia. This study looks at labour migration in Rungwe District within the overall context of the economic and social change between 1890 and 1962. The major hypothesis to be advanced is that throughout this period, Nyakyusa society was undergoing a process of differentiation and marginalization among some of its groups. A further condition was the geographical environment, which determined the type of crops to be grown and in terms of an area’s accessibility to the centres of demand. A major argument which is to feature prominently is that peasant production and labour migration were two separate responses open to the Nyakyusa in the early period of the colonial situation. But after about 1923 the two formerly alternative responses were becoming complementary to each other as none of them
A semantic characterisation of verbal agreement and word order in several Bantu languages
(University of Dar es Salaam, 1976) Hawkinson, Ann Katherine
This thesis is an attempt to characterise certain grammatical aspects of several Bantu languages in terms of their semantic function in the communication process. The two phenomena under study are verbal agreement and word order. This presentation is based on comparative data. It is an investigation into the phenomena of verbal agreement and word order in five Bantu languages spoken in East Africa. Four, Haya, RuriLangi and Nyakyusa, are tribal languages spoken in Tanzania. The fifth, Swahili, is spoken in Kenya and Tanzania and, to a lesser extent, in Uganda, it is the principle language used for inter tribal communication in East Africa. The research was carried out at the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania with students who are native speakers of the languages under study. Swahili was used for all discussions. Most of the Swahili data was collected on a research trip to Mombasa, Kenya. After a general introduction to the study the thesis presents the theoretical background of the analyses to be presented, as well as a discussion of the methods used for data collection. The particular languages which were investigated are then dealt with. The basic grammatical systems are described and examples of the constructions to be analyzed are provided verbal agreements are discussed. Data is organized according to different construction types. Hypotheses are proposed to account for the ways in which speakers use the various linguistic elements examined for conveying messages. An examination of how linguistic elements are ordered is presented; specifically the concern is with the ways in which nominal items can be sequenced in relation to the verb. Again hypotheses are proposed to explain how the sequencing of linguistic elements is used by speakers for communication. The conclusion drawn are hypotheses. They are proposed as candidate for heuristic devices to be used in the analysis of linguistic structures in the languages examined and, possibly, for other structurally related systems e.g. other Bantu languages. However, additional data, both from the languages examined as well as from other Bantu languages, will be necessary before the applicability of the hypotheses for linguistic analysis can be adequately evaluated.
A history of the Mahenge (Ulanga) district, c.1860-1957
(University of Dar es Salaam, 1976) Larson, Lorne Erling
This study concerns itself with the history of the Mahenge (Ulanga) district in what is now southern Tanzania. The major ethnic groups involved are the Pogoro, Ndamba, Ngindo, Mbunga and River Bena. The first chapter outlines the geographical features of the area, suggested possible settlement patterns of the early nineteenth century, and discusses the direct and indirect impact of the Mfecane on southern Tanzania. The second chapter examines the response of Mahenge societies to the last of the nineteenth century invasions…. That of the Germans. It analyzes the structure of early German administration, the impact of taxation, and the establishment of new commercial structures based on the exploitation of wild rubber. Finally in revised interpretation is given of the Maji Maji rebellion. The third chapter deals with the final phrase of German colonial rule between 1907 and 1917. In the aftermath of the Maji Maji rebellion, the former alliance system crumbles and the German administration exerts close control over African leaders. The fourth chapter argues that the early period of British colonial rule was essentially little different from that of the Germans. The fifth chapter asserts that the 1930s and the second World War comprised the most disruptive and oppressive era of colonial rule. The last chapter documents the post war explosion of African protest including finally the local appearance of the Tanganyika African National Union.
A history of colonial production in the Songea district, Tanzania , 1897-1961
(University of Dar es Salaam, 1976) Mpangala, Gaudens Philip
This thesis is divided into three main parts, notably introduction, chapter one to four, and a conclusion. Introduction deals with three main aspects. First it shows how this study is attempting to make a departure as well as an improvement from the existing studies on the Songea District. Secondly it defines the basic problems of the study, that is the problem of colonial penetration, the problem of colonial production and the problem of social and political changes consequent to colonial production. Lastly it reveals that the study makes use of political economy as a tool of analysis based on the contemporary theories of underdevelopment. Chapter one provides a necessary background to the whole study. It therefore dwells on the aspect of pre-colonial social formations. It be ins by examining socio-economic developments taking place before the coming of Wangoni in the middle of the 19th century and then proceeds to show how the coming of Wangoni accelerated those developments, thus giving rise to rapid growth of feudal social and political institutions.Chapter two examines developments in the structures of colonial economy in the district. The structures include labour migration, food-crop production, and peasant and settler cash-crop production. Such structures /economy resulted into growth and non-growth features of colonial/economy in the district. The chapter further shows that growth of these structures had to be preceded by, or in some cases, had to take place concurrently with colonial penetration and establishment of colonial political control. The third and last chapters show how the process of colonial production resulted into the growth of social structures accompanied by the rise of social differentiation, thus giving rise to embryonic processes of class formation. Grievances emerging out of the social structures, due to contradictions inherent in colonial production, provided the basis in the struggle for national independence. The conclusion briefly examines post-independence colonial legacies. In particular are the legacies of inherited colonial social and economic structures and the colonial methods of economic planning. It therefore ends up by giving suggestions on how to combat such legacies in order to establish a sound economic development in the district.
A political economy of the plantation system in Arusha
(University of Dar es Salaam, 1977) Shio, Leonard John
The plantation system in Arusha and Arumeru districts was established to produce coffee, wheat and other food crops for metropolitan consumption in Europe. The system was established during the early formative years of German rule in Tanganyika because it was the only ideal capitalist institution by which export crops could be produced in a traditional economy which was at that time essentially subsistent. The plantation system in Arusha was therefore set to transform the traditional economy of the Wameru and the Waarusha to fit into the metropolitan needs of Germany and later on Britain, in the procurement of certain required cash crops for industrial Europe. As capitalist institutions, the plantations succumbed to the capitalist principle of competition. This of necessity compelled the capitalist farmers to adopt high capitalisation in farming to offset the diseconomies of competitive production. As a result high capitalisation entailed the use of much constant capital at the expense of variable capital which means that cheap profit realisation no longer became possible due to reduction of cheap labour inputs out of which profits are realized. It was the above slack in profit realisation due to heavy involvement of constant capital in production, coupled with difficulties of securing ample labour in the colony, that the plantations in Arusha gradually became outmoded in the eyes of both the German an British metropolitan bourgeoisie. It was out of this experience that they changed direction of emphasis from plantation agriculture and turned towards peasant agriculture which was cheaper and more reliable in the realisation of the intended profits. The Wameru and the Waarusha were therefore encouraged to grow coffee and cash crops which were at the same time cultivated by the settlers. The British were however obliged to mobilize both the plantation and the peasant sectors after 1950 to produce cash crops more intensively so as to avert the dollar crisis which pledged the British economy after the Second World War. It was with this background that the pre-independence years in Tanzania, saw both the settlers and the peasantry in Arusha competing in the production and marketing of cash and food crops for export to Britain. An overall assessment reveals that the peasant sector became the dominant sector to-date despite acute settler competition. The end result was that both settler and a dominant peasant economy manifested themselves in the production relations of the districts up to the time of independence in 1961. Independence brought about some changes in the organisational structure of the plantation system in Arusha. Despite the fact that the plantations remained foreign owned and controlled, the wage rates increased quite reasonably in favour of the labourers. In addition, the government established the Tanganyika Coffee Board to the central marketing agency for coffee in the country. Its establishment meant that the surplus that used to flow to Europe out of the coffee sales was not retained in the country. It is the assumption of this study that in the event of the Arusha plantations being nationalized, the corporations that will be formed to run the plantations, will have to work more closely with the peasants whose landholdings are interspersed with the plantations. Such a policy will be useful because it will mobilize the local peasantry to regard the plantations as no longer institutions of exploitation in the midst of their residential areas.
Missionary cultural conservatism: attempts to reach an intergration between African culture and christianity in German Protestant Missionary work in Tanzania, 1900-1940
(University of Dar es Salaam, 1977) Fiedler, Klaus
This thesis deals with the development of cultural conservatism within the German Protestant missions in Tanzania from 1900-1940. It describes the work and the ideas of a number of missionaries who belonged to the four major German Protestant missions in Tanzania, e. g. Leipzig, Berlin I, Bethel and the Moravians. The thesis is divided into three sections. The first section (Chapter i and ii) deals with the context in which the development of cultural conservatism will be shown, the second section (Chapter iii to vii) contains the descriptive and analytical material and the third section (Conclusion) relates the ideas of the missionaries of cultural conservatism to ideas brought forward in the new development debate, or as it has been termed, the debate on the development of under-development. The first chapter puts missionary cultural conservatism into the context of the current debate on the role of the missionary enterprise in the process of colonial expansion. The representatives of missionary cultural conservatism and the exponents of Indirect Rule were all convinced, that African culture should be preserved and developed along its own lines. The thesis argues that in spite of many common concepts there were fundamental differences between missionary cultural conservatism and the policy of Indirect Rule in special and colonialism in general. The second chapter traces the German background of missionary cultural conservatism in Tanzania. It shows its origins in the Romantic Movement and how the Romantic Movement in its different stages (Early and later Romanticism, Neo-Romanticism and Third Reich Romanticism) influenced the missionaries. Missionary thinking was strongly influenced by the concept of Volk with its stress on every nation's cultural identity. This and other Romantic concepts and certain theological ideas made possible a high evaluation of African culture. Chapter iii to vii present the historical material. The description is centered around the figure of Bruno Gutmann, Leipzig missionary on Kilimanjaro from 1902 to 1938, who was the major exponent of missionary cultural conservatism in Tanzania. Chapter iii deals with the first phase of his work up to 1920. In this period he deeply studied Chagga culture and developed patterns of church-organization with which he attempted to relate the life of the congregation as closely as possible to all the values of traditional Chagga culture. During the second period from 1926 - 1938 (chapter vi) Gutmann continued to develop his conservative approach. But by then the situation had changed. His strong support for traditional cultural values was no longer an asset to missionary work, but tended to make the church less attractive. With his conservative policies Bruno Gutmann came into conflict with the rising mission educated elite. Thus we find the unexpected situation of a European missionary strongly supporting Chagga culture being opposed by African leaders who demand freedom to integrate many elements of European culture into their own. This conflict came to a head in the circumcision controversy of 1923 - 1926, when due to Gutmann's enforced absence after the war the congregation was led by two teachers, FilipoNjau and YohaneKimambo. They made the congregation pass laws forbidding circumcision, but as soon as Gutmann came back, the majority of Moshi Christians turned to Gutmann who defended the right of the Chagga Christians to stick to their traditional custom of circumcision against their own elected (progressive) leaders. Chapter iv presents two contemporaries of Gutmann who developed their concept of cultural conservatism independently from him, though they later came into contact with him. The Moravian missionary Traugott Bachmann was the first Christian missionary among the Nyiha and there he started his work with a very positive attitude to African culture, whereas with other missionaries discussed in this thesis, cultural conservatism with its high appreciation of African culture was more like a reform movement. The other figure represented in chapter iv is Ernst Johanssen, founder of the Bethel missionary work in Usambare, Ruanda and Bukoba. Chapter v describes various attempts by missionaries and African Christians to christianize traditional initiation rites. It shows that rejection or acceptance of these attempts did not depend on colour, but on role. African reaction to the Christianization of initiation in special and of African customs and institutions in general depended not on flow Christian and African elements were mixed, but on the chance this christianization provided for a definition of new roles in society or for the redefinition of existing ones. The variety of response to these attempts to christianize African institutions is being shown from examples of various missions in Tanzania. Missionary approach and those favouring cultural conservatism and the conflicts arising from the differing views. But more so it shows the varying African response to cultural conservatism in the Moravian and Berlin areas. This thesis claims that the negative response to cultural conservatism in the Nyasa Province was due largely to the fact that almost all the missionary representatives of cultural conservatism were strongly influenced by German National Socialism. After the Second World War development in politics as well as in the church did not go the way cultural conservatism had envisaged. The Pressing need was to establish equality, not to stress cultural identity. But now, twenty years after independence, with equality having been established, a rethinking of what development means for Tanzania has been set in. It is the final claim of this thesis that the missionaries of cultural conservatism in spite of their very different political and ideological background may have a contribution to make to this rethinking.
The place of songs in Hehe oral literature.
(University of Dar es Salaam, 1977) Ndulute, Clement Lupyano
Any attempt to study any oral literature of any given people must necessarily mean a complete or at least partial survey of their way of life, their culture. It must entail an examination of their material and spiritual conception of the world of which their spoken art is but the effect, not the cause; the flower, not the root; and the final crystalization of their ideals and aspirations. In this study, which is divided into three major parts, attempt will be made to discuss as fully as it is possible within a work of this humble length the Hehe cultural context from which the various genres of their oral literature spring. Like rivulets which feed a major river, the various social and economic activities of the people are the source of their verbal artistry. Part ONE of my study answers this demand. Myths and legends have also been touched on in this section. The title of the thesis, The Place of Songs in Hehe Oral Literature, suggests that an examination of the entire body of Hehe Oral Literature be made in order to establish the significance of that part of it which is sung. It is with this aim in mind that I have devoted Part TWO of this work to the major forms of oral literature of the Wahehe. These include tales, riddles, proverbs, praise poems and praise names in that order. These genres have been analysed in so far as they throw light or deepen insight into the role which songs play or will finally play in Hehe life. Part THREE of the survey, the core of our discussion, is sub-divided into several parts which deal with the songs by first categorising them according to the EFFECT they have on society or their motive. This approach is adopted after a brief discussion and consequent rejection of the "other methods" of categorisation such as those based on the geographical environment or the situations in which they are sung. We believe that the ' effect category' is the only one which throws some light on the social origins of the masses' songs. thereby exposing the contradictions that bedevil their society. This is followed by an analysis of the song as a work of art; as literature. The vexed question of what is poetry in the African traditional sense is here tackled. The dominance of the song in all Hehe activities, from cradle to grave, makes it the most expressive and forceful genre in their traditional literature. This preponderance of the song in Hehe verbal artistry is finally linked up with the development of a National Literature and Culture. It is argued that the dynamism and innovative character of the song make it a valuable and revalutionary contribution towards this direction.
Sumbwa phonology: a generative transformational approach
(University of Dar es Salaam, 1977) Kahigi, Kulikoyela K.
This study is a preliminary attempt to characterize the phonological component of the Sumbwa language within the framework of transformational generative phonological theory as explicated by such phonologists as Harms (1868), Postal (1968), Chomsky and Halle (1968), Hyman (1975}, and others. The basic tasks of phonology as specified by Postal (1968:155} are: to describe how each sentence is pronounced by relating phonological representations to their phonetic counterparts by means of phonological rules; to specify free variation and contrast; to characterize the notion possible morpheme and to specify the notion phonologically possible ward. This study, being the first one on the language, does not intend to deal exhaustively with all these aspects of phonological description. The study addresses itself to the following questions: the specification of contrast at the systematic phonological level, the characterization of the general phonological processes, and the specification of the phonological sequential constraints which determine the Sumbwa morpheme structure. The study also deals with some aspects of suprasegmental phonology. The study has got the following structure. It starts with an introduction which contains some remarks on the geographical and linguistic position of the language, available literature, and some details on the sources of data and orthography used. Then Chapter 1 deals with the Sumbwa sound system. The basic segments are specified and a distinctive feature classificatory matrix worked out. Chapter 2 characterizes the general phonological processes active in the language and formalizes them into rules. Chapter 3 specifies the phonological sequential constraints, thus capturing the structure of Sumbwa morphemes. Chapter 4 deals sketchily with three suprasegmentall features: tone, stress, and length, And, finally: Chapter 5 concludes the study.
The plantation economy during the protectorate period in Zanzibar (1890-1964)
(University of Dar es Salaam, 1977) Jabir, Mahmoud Hemeid
"The Plantation Economy during the Protectorate Period in Zanzibar" is a study of the history of the islands' clove based economy in its particular relationship initially with European industrial capitalism, and later with imperialism of finance capital. The first led to the ultimate declaration of the protectorate over Zanzibar. The second determined the character of the modes of production that had to articulate with the world wide capitalist mode of production. It was British imperialism in the epoch of finance capital that was instrumental in the abolition of the slave trade (1873) and slavery (1897) not because slave trade and slavery were "evils" as it used to be moralised, but because the slave mode of production on the islands became an anachronism and was incompatible with the operations of the world capitalist system. So the social relations of production of the slave mode of production in Zanzibar had to be changed to conform to the dictates of British imperialism without effecting a social revolution. Hence there was the abolition of slave trade and slavery followed by an all out effort to turn the slave into a wage labourer on the plantation, and a concerted effort to acquire migrant labourers from the adjacent mainland.This was not one of those "civilizing missions" of the whiteman in darkest Africa. It was rather for reasons of furthering British capitalist imperialism and satisfy the need for the acquisition of cheapland, cheap labour and raw material sources, as well as opening up markets for British manufactured goods. Hence understanding the history of the Zanzibar's plantation economy calls for an understanding of the metropolitan connection and its system of exploitative relations. This is viewed as the correct approach to bring the history of the islands, plantation economy into its wider and more correct perspective. With this approach it can be more clearly explained as to why there was indebtedness of landowners and why it became acute in the first forty years of this century. Why was it that the British sided with the plantocracy against the commercial bourgeoisie and the labouring masses?. It can also be explained why the British had to adopt a racial ideology to camouflage their real imperialist aspirations. In short it can be explained how the imperialists exploitative relations were established to draw colonial profits and super-profits leading to affluence of the appropriating metropolitan bourgeoisie and the abject poverty and squalor of the labouring masses at the periphery. For Zanzibar, the approach can give a better appreciation of the development of classes and class struggles. And as the toiling masses rose to fight to extricate themselves from exploitation, the immediate appropriating classes of plantation owners, rich peasants and the commercial bourgeoisie led by reactionary intellectuals and the petty bourgeoisie banded together with the outgoing British imperialism to take over power. This was conveniently handed over to the appropriating classes as they would thus form ancomprador group whose interests coincided well with those of imperialism. That would help to easily institute the new relations of neocolonialism. The plan could not take root. Within one month of flag independence, the exploited masses rose against the new regime to topple it in a few hours of fighting on the 12th of January 1964. The dissertation ultimately seeks to evaluate and explain the contribution of plantation economy to that revolution.
Drama as a means of education in Africa
(University of Dar es Salaam, 1978) Leshoai, Benjamini Letholoa
Contemporary African educators have advocated for the elimination of the colonial inherited educational models and to replace them with a system relevant to the needs of Africa. There can be met by directly referring to the entire background of her experience, particularly with reference to the system of aesthetics and pedagogy. True education trains and clients’ the senses and therefore the African background constitute the staple reference to the education of her youth. Since the African is surrounded by an artistic world, the burden of this dissertation is to illustrate through analysis and comparison and concrete examples what drama has been and still remains the most immediately effective method of instruction. True and lasting education actively involves the learner in the learning process; and drama prepares the ground, defines the goals for experimentation and eventual execution. The study embodies results of research through interviews, library and archival work in various parts of Africa, and an analysis of traditional and modern African performing arts. The subject is extensive and demands an acquaintance with the entire range of aesthetics and pedagogy on the continent. Tempting as it is to range so far and wide, this study limits the scope by focusing on those societies in Tanzania, Kenya, Zambia and southern Africa of which I have personal experience and adequate knowledge. The dissertation is not a description of current practices in education, nor is it on evaluation of the role of the performing arts, but is an attempt to re-orient and re- direct creative and pedagogical endeavors so as to narrow and minimize the gap that exists between artistic expression and educational practice. Consequently, the study is structured to reflect the ideas and suggestions behind it with the purpose of stimulating a purposeful debate among practitioners of creative dramatics in education. The first chapter reflects the ideas and thoughts of African scholars seeking to Africanize education so that its content and methods will be relevant to Africa’s religious, social, economic cultural and political aspirations. The second chapter examines and analyses the literature of scholars and creative dramatics with the view to reveal their convictions and beliefs of the utility and role of drama in traditional and contemporary education. That there are similarities and differences in the African and western concepts of drama has been established therefore chapter three discusses primarily the concept of African drama and its role in the education of the youth. There is a close relationship between chapters four and five which both discuss the traditional, contemporary and transformed dramas to illustrate their use in the education of young people. The concluding chapter attempts to suggest new areas of research linked with drama. The references used in the study and the additional select biography are intended for the benefit of aspiring and practicing creative dramatists not withstanding limitations in the study, positive principles emerged from it. Drama in education develops in the child self- confidence and poise lasting education in through active participation, and the successful transformed African traditional drama has great potential in various educational programmers for those adventurous and enterprising creative practitioners.
Land tenure system and land reform in Zanzibar (1830s-1970)
(University of Dar es Salaam, 1978) Shao, Ibrahim Fokas
In Zanzibar before the coming of the Arabs, land was communally owned but there were elements of feudalism articulated in the communal mode of production. As a result, there was appropriation of surplus product of labour taking place by the Mwinyi Mkuu, Masheha, Waviale and other ruling individuals. When the Arabs came the communal made disintegrated into the slave mode but remained articulated and subordinated to the former. It is when the Arabs came that land was alienated for production of cloves and coconuts. Sultan Seyyid Said encouraged Arabs to come to Zanzibar and acquire as much land as possible for cultivation of cloves. The Zanzibar economy began t o depend entirely on the revenue that accrued from the sale of cloves. When the slave economy was faced with crisis due to merchant capital, the landlords began to be indebted and a good number of them were impoverished. This was due to contradiction between the landlords and the commercial bourgeoisie but on a wider plane it was a contradictions the British had t defend the landlord class otherwise a social revolution would have been precipitated. The British then took over Zanzibar as a colony in 1890 and instituted different measures which could keep imperialism going on reaping super profits and therefore sustain and maintain the bourgeoisie in the metropole. The pre-capitalist modes had to be in part destroyed and preserved. They had to be articulated and subordinated to the capitalist mode of production. The impoverishment of the landlords resulted in the rise of small landholders and capitalist farmers. This rise was encouraged by the British colonial government in an attempt to revive the clove economy which was facing a crisis. But all the same merchant capital impoverished these landowners and capitalist farmers as well. Hence the long process of transfer of land through mortgage, sales, purchase and lease which took place between world war two and the 194 revolution. Land alienation generated a sharp class struggle, which was escalated when squatters were evicted in 1957, and the years after. This eviction had resulted from the fact that between 1957 and 1958 a world economic crisis depressed the clove prices. It also led to the drop of import of food stuffs, rise of prices of food stuffs and fall of wages. As a result the absentee landlords began to drift from town to the rural areas where land was the only “Mesiah”. In order to prevent the Zanzibar people from seeing imperialism as their principle enemy the British colonial government imposed a racial ideology which made the struggle appear not as one of labour against capital but as one of Africans against Arabs. This made all the political parties and trade unions be formed on racial lines. But in actual fact all these were due to class struggle. The British colonial government realised that independence could not be delayed anymore and so they handed over the government t the landed aristocracy under the ZNP, in 1963. With ZNP in power it was possible for imperialism to reap super profits from Zanzibar. A new struggle emerged between the new ruling class and ASP. The result of this struggle was the 12th January 1964 revolution which brought ASP into power. After the revolution land was distributed to the landless and those who had less than three acres. The distributing land there occurred many discrepancies which led t some people getting more than three acres and others getting less than three acres. The discrepancies were bound t occur because the class nature of the government that was involved in the land distribution was understood. This meant that the complete anticipation of the peasants was not possible. Distribution of land and the agrarian reform developed capitalism in the countryside. The peasantry is differentiated. But since this is the epoch of imperialism the movement towards capitalism is being fettered. We still have migrant labour, landlords and squatting system prevailing in Zanzibar today. Imperialism has penetrated Zanzibar countryside through marketing, transport, wages etc., and hence the development of productive forces in the countryside is hindered. To make the country self-sufficient I food, the government encourages individual peasants to expand rice acreage. Tractors are given out for hire at a cheap price. Coupled with this, the government has introduced co-operatives, state farms and farm units. The Government got a lot of aid from different bodies in order to run the state farms and farm units and to get money to buy and run the tractors. Since all these movements have not been formed on a socialist basis but on a petty-bourgeois line, they have not been able to transform the countryside socialistically and so the peasants have not been liberated completely. The foreign aid that is flowing into Zanzibar is being channeled to the agricultural sector and other light industries and as a result the base for heavy industries cannot be developed. The agrarian reforms were carried out by the petty-bourgeois state and so the peasants could not be made to fully appreciate the move. This could not be otherwise.
History of labour on the Mwadui diamond mine: 1940-1975
(University of Dar es Salaam, 1978) Ofunguo, Aloyse Chanatra
The recruitment and stabilization of a cheap African labour force for the production of raw diamonds at Mwadui, since 1940, has been a tribute to the management of the mining company, the Williamson's Diamonds Limited. A re-examination of the history of labour at Mwadui mine reveals that there were socio-economic and socio-political forces outside and on the mine which made it possible for the management to recruit and maintain the labour force. The colonial and neo-colonial demand for cheap raw materials from the underdeveloped world to the industrialized nations had brought about the imposition of the capitalist mode of production on the traditional economies of Tanzania. By the time the mining operations commenced at Mwadui in 1940, the penetration of the capitalist market forces into Tanzania rural societies had made the availability of labour for the raw material industries relatively easier than at the beginning of colonialism. In the course of the development of Mwadui mine, African labour became increasingly abundant. There was an increasing proletarianisation in Tanzania and a process of mechanising production on Mwadui Mine; proletarianisation gave rise to a large unskilled labour force, while mechanisation reduced the need for a large number of unskilled labourers. Since 1958, very many unskilled labourers were being treated roughly or dismissed from Mwadui. As a result, the workers sought to organise themselves under trade unionist activities. This made it increasingly difficult for the management to control the workers. In order to protect the industry which was considered as one of the major sources of public revenue, both the colonial and later, the national, state machineries intervened by controlling both the management and the trade unionist activities on the mine. The final result of this kind of protection of the industry was that the production of raw diamonds by cheap labour continued at Mwadui. Although the working conditions improved and the government obtained the revenue it wanted, the industrial and the commercial bourgeoisie of the world capitalist system have continued to make profits through the exploitation of the Mwadui workers during the colonial and neo-colonial epoch.

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