Library Repository :: Browsing by Author "Fosbrooke, Henry A."

Browsing by Author "Fosbrooke, Henry A."

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Activity studies at the Galana game farm research project
(Fosbrooke, 1983) Fosbrooke, Henry A.
In June 1972 funding was obtained from AWLF for project to study the activity of animals at the Galana Game Farm Research Project.
African agricultural adaptability: proceedings of the first federal science congress
(Fosbrooke, 1960) Fosbrooke, Henry A.
Workers in the agricultural field are often driven to despair by the slowness with which the African peasant responds to suggested changes in his agricultural techniques. It is wondered, however, whether this is any more than the innate conservatism of peasantry which is to be found throughout the world, for a study of African agriculture techniques reveals that when circumstances have necessitated change this has come about and enabled the group to “survive. Numerous cases could be cited from Central Africa as for instance, the chitemcne system as practised by the Bemba of Northern Rhodesia, and described by numerous; authors, particularly Richards (1939). or again the Barotse system which was described in a study by Gluckman (1941) and in further detail by the late Mr. Peters, (1960). The author wishes, however, to draw particularly on his Tanganyika experience, using Tanganyika Notes and Records as the main source book. The author (1957) at the third Pan African Congress in Livingstone described taking agriculture in its broadest sense that is inclusive of pastoralism an early example in Tanganyika of man adapting his environment to pastoralism in 1955. Briefly, on the arid plains of Central Tanganyika an unidentified race of pastoralists developed a system of transhumance to a fine art. They discovered and improved permanent water supplies as for instance in the deep wells of Naberera and at the same time ensured that the best use was made of the pasture which lay beyond the grazing radius of such permanent waters. Cattle keepers throughout the world practise the technique by taking their stock to drink from temporary streams or impermanent water holes, but these early pastoralists built artificial rain-ponds some of which are still in use today. The principles involved, of improved water supplies, both temporary and permanent, and rotational grazing are those now being actively applied in pastoral areas throughout the world, with the aid of bulldozers, mechanical pumps and pasture research scientists.
The aftermath and the future
(Lusaka, 1959) Fosbrooke, Henry A.
The following paper was roughed out with a view to its submission to the press- As, however, there is reason to believe the constructive criticisms which it contains are of interest to Government, it is submitted in the first place to the Chief Secretary. Its present form is naturally less discreet and more technical than that proposed for publication„ The writer is not only involved in the situation as a member of the Munali School Council, but can claim some educational experience in the African setting, having as a District Commissioner been chairman of a District Education Committee, and having at other times served on the Tanganyika European Education Authority, a local School Council, and as chairman of a parents association, As the matters discussed are of some urgency, this paper is submitted without the full study and consultation which the subject deserve so The Kenya and Tanganyika legislation to which I refer is not yet available to me, though copies are on orders but the material is doubtless available in the Secretariate Further, I would have liked to refer the draft to the Institute of Education in Salisbury, particularly to Professor Fletcher and to Dr. Cyril Rogers, whose suggestion of a Federal Education Commission is referred to later. I hope that the Northern Rhodesia Government will see its way to permitting me to do so. Whilst the only object of this paper is to suggest certain developments in the present system of African Education from the organisational angle, it is necessary to undertake a diagnostic exercise before remedies can be suggested- As some of the troubles may not only lie within the body of the patient but equally in his environment, a broad approach is necessary covering the boys, the parents, the African public, the European public, the staff and the School Council™ They are dealt with in that order hereunder.The questions which present themselves ares- How did the incidents affect these groups; what are their attitudes one to the other\ and how can these attitudes be improved in the interests of African education in particular, and more generally in the interest of the development of the country? In this connection it must be constantly born in mind that it is not what any particular group should think, but what it actually does think that matters„ A belief may be demonstrably false, but if it is believed it will motivate human conduct just as surely as if it were true.
The age and meaning of the paintings
(Fosbrooke, 1950) Fosbrooke, Henry A.
When describing Rock Paintings one is invariably asked two questions: what is their age and what is their meaning? No satisfactory answer can be given to either question. Regarding age, battle royal was recently joined in the South Africa Archaeological Bulletin between J. F. Schofield (31) and the Abbe Henri Breuil (8). The writer is not competent to comment on this clash of the giants, suffice it to say that the former will only admit to an age for the South African paintings in terms of centuries, whilst the latter thinks in terms of millennia. The issue will probably not be decided before a great deal more excavation has been done and perhaps Tanganyika, a late-comer in the Prehistoric Painting field, may be able to provide evidence vital to a decision in this matter. For as Dr. Leakey points out in Section 4 there is a possibility that the occurrence of painting on a small piece of rock in a particular horizon may give an association with a particular Stone Age culture, which in turn would bring as a step nearer to assigning an accurate date to the particular style of painting so found. But on the admittedly dangerous ground of stylistic comparison with some examples of North African art, e.g. as recorded by Frobenius (14) and as recorded and dated by Myers (25) and considering the arguments put forward by the Abbe Breuil (8) for an early dating of South African paintings, it seems safe to say that some of our Tanganyika paintings probably date back for thousands rather than hundreds of years. To the question “ What is the meaning of the paintings ” there is probably not one but many answers; a consideration of what does not, } as well as what does, appear in primitive art is necessary in attempting to answer this question. In the whole of the series, from the earliest to the latest, there is no single representation of a domestic animal; there is a paucity of carnivora though the occasional feline appears, as at Tlawi X (D.22) and hyaena at Tura (D.6). The dominant motiff is the type of animal commonly used for food in primitive hunting communities, buck, buffalo, elephant, rhino and ostrich.
Agreement by the Masai to vacate the Western Serengeti
(University of Dar es Salaam, 1958) Fosbrooke, Henry A.
Agreement by the Masai to vacate the Western Serengeti
Agro-forestry and its relevance to the Arusha Region: a discussion paper prepared for planning consideration
(Fosbrooke, 1980) Fosbrooke, Henry A.
Agroforestry has been defined as "a sustainable land management system which increases the overall yield of the land by combining the production of crops, including tree crops, forest plants and/or animals simultaneously or sequentially on the same unit of land, and applies management practices that are compatible with the cultural practices of the local population (l) A more concise definition written by a Tanzanian is "agroforestry is hero defined as the rational and sustained use of a unit land area for the harmonious production of both agricultural crops and tree forest species, together or in sequence, primarily for the benefit of the local community. It will be noted how both these definitions include reference to the local population, and it is in fact the indigenous people to whom we must look for the original practice of agro-forestry in this part of the world. One of the most notable manifestations of indigenous agro-forestry is the practice of "shifting cultivation much misunderstood by early expatriate agriculturists who unfortunately passed their bias on to the local staff who came under their influence. The value of shifting cultivation, and the application of the lessons to be learnt therefrom in relation to the Region agricultural problems, are dealt with later,
Agroclimatological enquiries
(Fosbrooke, 1976) Fosbrooke, Henry A.
1. Rainfall figures for the year 1974 and 1975 for Dodoma are as follows:- 1974 - 448 mm 1975 - 326 mm I also enclose a copy of graphical representation of the annual rainfall collected at Dodoma Meteorological station up to 1973/4 season. The dashed lines represent five year running means. 2. While we agree that soil, degradation is a major cause of low crop production and hence feminine in some semi-arid areas of Africa, this however is not the inherent cause of low crop production in areas of Central Tanzania. We are of the opinion that since all over the years these areas have been pastoral lands to the extent that very meager proportion of the land was put under cultivation, this has resulted in lack of experience on t part of the inhabitants there to adapt agricultural practices so to grow enough food to feed themselves. As meteorologists, we think that when these inhabitants of the semi-arid areas of Tanzania resorted to cultivation the following agrometeorological phenomena should naturally come into play. (a) The timing of sowing period is of vital importance in these areas due to the short rainfall season and the small amounts received annually. (b) Due to the short cropping period, selection of crops suitable to this particular type of enrironment is essential. For example, it is of little use, if any, to encourage farmers to grow a crop of a variety that will take more than four months to mature and whose water requirements is high. (c) Coupled with the low rainfall figures is the uneven distribution of the amounts during the growing period. On the average, the growing period in areas of Central Tanzania is from December to April. Experience has shown that about 50$ of the total annual figure of rainfall is collected by the end of January. However there have been seasons when well above 75% is collected during the first two months of the* cropping season, leaving the period (when water is most required) barely dry. With the high rate of evaporation, the situation becomes even worse. / (d) Soil moisture require also plays an important role. Soil moist studies have shown that at time of onset of the rains, soil moisture present is so low that most of the first rains (which are quite vital agriculturally) go to replenish the lower layers and is hardly available to the plants. This being the case crops which have been sown in anticipation of the first rains take time emerge and hence develop to the size and state that would have been reached mu earlier had there been enough moisture at time of onset of the rains. The situation gets more alarming when rains set in late thus reducing the cropping period considerably. Hence, the effectiveness of rains (rather than the amounts), the right planting time and the right kind of crop to suit the environment both meteorologically and agronomical are some of the most important factors to be looked into whenever an agricultural project is being planned especially in are where cultivation has not been the order of the day. 3. With regard to publications on the meteorological aspects of the Central Plateau I would advice you to write to EAAFRO in Nairobi for copy of work done by Dr. Daag.
Amendments to article on social security
(Fosbrooke, 1901) Fosbrooke, Henry A.
This is the third article of a series appearing in this Bulletin dealing with various aspects of Migrant Labour. The first by Mitchell (1958) dealt with the reasons, which motivated Africans in their movements in search of work: the second by Watson (1959) dealt with the effect on the rural economy of the departure of the menfolk. This latter article describes a situation amongst the Mambwe of Northern Rhodesia which is perhaps not general throughout East and Central Africa, a situation which permits a proportion of the menfolk to be absent without undue disturbance to the tribal economy and one which allows the industrial wage earner to return to the tribal area when the period of his industrial employment is over. ’As long as Africans,’ Watson concludes, ’have secure rights to the use of tribal land they will cling to the land, to the subsistence it provides, and to their tribalism, for -this offers a security they understand. ’ Mitchell (1958) summarizes his analysis by isolating three situations:- The first where the economic opportunities of the home area are such that the pull of home prevails over the necessity to go out and earn the peasant producer, such as the Ghagga coffee grower on the slopes of Kilimanjaro is typical of this situation: The second where the economic needs cannot be satisfied locally, nor can social needs be satisfied in the area of employment
Animal drought power
(Fosbrooke, 1981) Fosbrooke, Henry A.
The encouragement of anima draught power is a master of high priority in Government planning. After the post independence euphoria with its expectations of limitations of limitless tractor power had receded, it has been national policy to encourage the development of draught power - a matter made even more urgent by the oil crisis
Annual report of the antiquities division 1974/75 p.9 where reference is made certain nonstone Bowl burials
(Fosbrooke, 1975) Fosbrooke, Henry A.
Please refer to the Annual Report of the Antiquities Division 1974/75 P.9 where reference is made to certain non- Stone Bowl burials. It is stated that two possible ethnic groups who are now living in the vicinity of the Ngorongoro Crater area are the Iraqw and the Hadza (Tindiga) and one of them or both might be responsible for the burial mounds. 2.A third ethnic group the Tatoga or Barabaig is not refered to, but it is known that they also lived in the crater prior to being ousted by the Maasai C I83O, and buried their dead and raised stone mounds or cairns over the graves. One such cairn is identified see B.M. Mulder 1989. Iwasa Vol.12 No.2 pp 32-35.It might be possible to identify the makers of the mounds refered to above if the posture of the corpse is recorded. The customs of the Iraqw and of the Tatog can easily be ascertained in this regard. 3.I have a feeling that the exceptionally large cairns, as for Example the one illustrated by me in SWARA, 1986 Vol.9 No.2 pp.12-16 being so different from the others, might belong to another as yet unidentified ethnic group. 1±. The large cairns of northern Kenya are on record in Azania, and a recent publication gives magnificent illustrations of many types of such burials - see Where Giants Trod, by Monty Brown 1989, publisher Quiller Press, London. Further, I recently came across a record of a Boran burial with a cairn of stones raised over the grave. The posture of' the burial is described in detail "a squatting position arms round knees, facing the setting sun.” See Last Chance in Africa by Negley Farson, 1950, London, Victor Gollaniz Ltd. • 5.Mulder’s Swara article was so badly illustrated (or not at alii) that I intend to submit an article, largely photographic on Ngorongoro’s holy trees and cairns, so I would be very glad of your views on the above.
Archaeological remains on Kilimanjaro
(Fosbrooke, 1974) Fosbrooke, Henry A.; Sassoon, H.
Any account of Kilimanjaro would be incomplete without reference to the archaeological remains to be found on the foothills of Kilimanjaro. While this area cannot claim to contribute to our knowledge of early man to the same extent as the famed Olduvai Gorge, at least it presents some very tangible evidence of man’s more recent occupation in the days before written history. On the western slopes of the mountain, in the area between Ol Molog and Ngare Nairobi and up to the 7,000 feet contour level, farmers have found many stone bowls and stone rings. The bowls and rings are apparently made from local lava, though no petrological tests have been carried out to corroborate this assumption. Unfortunately, it seems that all the finds have been of single, unrelated objects, and yet no concentration of these artefacts has been discovered such as would indicate a living site or a burial. The stone bowls are similar to the deep bowls (type b) reported by the Leakeys from Njoro river (Leakey and Leakey, 1950). On pp. 16 and 77 of this publication, there are very brief reports of a similar site which was excavated in Ngorongoro crater in 1941 and at which stone bowls of Gumban B type were found. It seems very probable that the bowls from western Kilimanjaro will eventually prove to belong to the same general culture as Ngorongoro. A carbon-14 date has been pub¬lished for the Njoro river site: it is approximately 960 B.C. or 2,900 years ago (Cole, 1954, p. 286) but it is probable that the Gumban B culture is much later than this. Apparently associated with the stone bowls in western Kilimanjaro there are flakes and crude blade tools made from obsidian. On one farm, several large cores of this rock have been found, showing the scars from which flakes have been struck. The Geological Survey are not aware of any outcrops of obsidian on Kilimanjaro, nor in the whole of northern Tanzania. The nearest known outcrop is probably the one in Kenya which is a few miles north-east of Lake Magadi. The nearest major outcrop of obsidian is probably that in the Njorowa Gorge, south of Lake Naivasha. Whichever was the source of the obsidian on Kilimanjaro, it seems that it must have been carried at least 100 miles to the Ngare Nairobi area. Some decorated pottery fragments have been found in the same area as the obsidian artefacts; and one example of a celt or polished stone axe has been found. This latter is of considerable importance on account of the extreme rarity of celts in Tanzania. Yet another feature of this interesting area are the earth dams which extend across certain of the valleys. These dams are sometimes as much as 6 feet high and 150 feet long. At present there is some doubt as to their origin. Some consider them to be man- made, but others think that they have been formed by cattle repeatedly following the same tracks across the valley; the soil and stones, loosened by the hooves of the cattle, wash down laterally and eventually meet to form a natural ridge across the valley bottom. It should be possible to settle this argument by excavation and examination of sections across one of the dams
Arusha Boma
(Fosbrooke, 1955) Fosbrooke, Henry A.
This note is prompted by the discovery of a photograph, reproduced opposite, of Arusha Boma in the height of its pride, with the Imperial Gefman Ensign flying from the flagstaff, and the proud Hohenzoliern eagles emblazoned on the tower. The photograph comes from a German work, “Die Volkerstamme im Norden Deutsch Ostafrikas” by Max Weiss; the date of publication is missing flfrom my copy, but from the area covered by the map, it appears that the author was engaged in the Anglo-German boundary demarcation. In contrast to the buildings, the majestic outline of Mount Meru, just under 15,000 feet high, shows no discernible change after nearly half a century of weathering. The observant will note, however, that the long ridge in the middle distance, called Oldonyo Sabuk—the Fat Mountain—is no longer forest clad, as shown in the photo. It is now covered with an elaborate pattern of fenced fields and pastures; the latter’s close knit Kikuyu grass turf, weeded and manured by the owners, safeguards the soil against erosion as adequately as the previous forest cover. The present group of Government offices presents a sorry shadow of the original building. Only one section of the perimeter wall now remains, whilst the surrounding ditch has been largely filled in. With the walls thus breached, the front and back gates were rendered useless and have consequently disappeared. The central tower has not only lost its heraldic device, but also its battlements and turrets; it is now capped with a plain corrugated iron roof.
An Assessment of the Importance of Institutions and Institutional Framework in Development
(Fosbrooke, 1972) Fosbrooke, Henry A.
This paper sots out to examine in the African context an hypothesis propounded by Coward and Schutjer (1971:473-483) In relation to the Green Revolution. It appears to the authors that” (l) significant technological changes can be initiated with little prior change in institutional patterns, but (2) This will have important influences on the pattern of participation in the development process and (3) will require subsequent institutional changes if the development process is to be maintained". Citing an impressive body of literature, the authors illustrate how in fact technological change has been initiated without adjustments in the institutional framework. The Green Revolution In South East Asia, Mexico and Latin America there have been matic changes in the agricultural production situation brought abo largely by the introduction of High Yielding Varieties combined with improvements in mechanization, in irrigation and in fertilize application. Countries which were till recently large-scale importers of basic foodstuffs are now self-sufficient, or even exporters. This has occurred within the pre-existing institutions framework, which was in general characterized by an inequitable landlord/tenant system, sharecropping, agricultural credit at exo bilart interest rates. This institutional framework has enabled tho moro favourably placed to make the most of the opportunities provided by the new technology. It is the more educated who can appreciate bow they can benefit from the new ideas: it is the law owner who can put the no:/ ideas into practice: it is the man with capital who can afford the new seeds, the new implements and the necessary fertilizer, Thus, whilst in the international sphere the Green Revolution has tended to narrow the gap between the more affluent and the loss affluent nations, internally it has dramatic¬ally widened tho gap between the rich and the poor (Mullich 1971: 59-61). From t1his rises the argument that although the Green Revolu¬tion has resulted in tension reduction by producing adequate supplies of food, it has been even more tension producing because it has increased existing inequalities end relative deprivations# If the gap i3 allowed to widen, eventually the concomitant social tensions will become so great as to bring production to a halt. Technological Advance in Africa When considering the situation in Africa a wider intorprotatic must be applied to the term ’’Green Revolution”, In the context of this paper it is taken to mean all the modem technological ad¬vances in boarable agriculture and livestock production which the impact of these changes in Africa has not only been socio¬economic, as in the cases cited above, but equally ecological. Not only has the relationship between man and man been thrown out of balance, but also even more important in some cases, the relationship between man and the land has been critically upset. In the case of arable agriculture, the advent of the ox-drawn plough - in use in Southern Africa by the indigenous cultivators for a century or more - enabled larger areas to be cultivated than was possible with the hoe. Where circumstances permitted, this meant that man instead of making better use of the small area of land, which he could cultivate by the hoe, sought to rectify decreasing yields by increased acreage of cultivation, exposing greater areas to the ravages of erosion.
Blessing the year: a Wasi/Rangi
(Fosbrooke, 1958) Fosbrooke, Henry A.
This paper gives a description of the blessing of the year, witnessed on 1st December, 1953, at Kolo, where the Chief of Irangi's headquarters is situated, seventeen miles north of the District Headquarters at Kondoa. This chiefdom consists of 104,748 inhabitants of whom 81 per cent belong to the Rangi tribe of Bantu origin, and 11 per cent to the Alawa or Wasi, a splinter off the Iraqw, possibly a Hamitic group but certainly non-Bantu, mostly living in the Mbulu District. For the purpose of identification, it is necessary to record the venue of the ceremony as being in the area of Headman Ramazani Mkwata under Sub¬chief Hamisi Mresa of Kolo, who is, in turn, under Chief Heri Salim of Irangi. It must not be taken as derogatory of this functioning political hierarchy when it is explained that the whole system is non-indigenous. In pre-Coionial times both Rangi and Wasi political systems were segmentary, each local community, under its own leader, Hapaloitno (Wasi) or Mwenesi (Rangi), being an independent unit. It is the ceremony of one such area, Dirava, which is described below. The Dirava area is one of three such indigenous units in Headman Ramazani’s country, the total tax paying population of which is just under 600. This area was originally Wasi, but has been subject to heavy infiltration of Rangi from the “cradle" area of the latter tribe, Haubi, situated a few miles to the south-east. The present ethnic composition of the area is about two Rangi to one Wasi. Though mission work (mainly Roman Catholic) goes on in other parts of the .chiefdom, in Dirava there is not a single Christian. The majority (82 per cent) are Islam and the small proportion of pagans are to be found in the older generation. By virtue of precedence of arrival, the “ownership" of the country rests in the Wasi, in the person of Ndarera Lali, of the Ivara clan. This old gentleman, aged about seventy but looking older (Plate I), holds the office of hapoloimo. In point of fact, apart from gracing it with his presence, the substantive head took little active part in the ceremony which was conducted in the main by his younger brother, aged c.62. The degree to which the Wasi and Rangi jointly participated could not be ascertained by actual count at the ceremony (this would have been injudicious) but I was assured that both groups were participating. Confirmation of this was forthcoming from the Rangi sub-headman of the area, who could recall the names of those called on to contribute the sacrificial lamb over the last thirteen years. These consisted of nine Wasi, three Rangi (including the sub-headman himself) and one Burungi, figures not disproportionate to the ethnic composition of the group. Some final preliminary details before proceeding with the actual description of the ceremony concern the composition of the participating group by age and sex, their dress, and general demeanour. Except two small girls, aged between nine and ten, no females were present at the ceremony. The males comprised three groups, the elders, the men, and the boys. These are not merely descriptive, but precise terms, the elders consisting only of grandfathers, the “men” being adult tribesmen from initiation upwards, but excluding grandfathers, and the “boys”, the uninitiated. The groups kept themselves apart during the ceremony, as each had a different part to play. The elders numbered twenty-five, the men more than forty, and the boys two (plus two or three youthful hangers-on) who sat apart with the two girls.
Botswana's population explosion and its impact on the land
(1970) Fosbrooke, Henry A.
The first point to establish is the relevance of a "Population Explosion" to our UNOP/FAO Project Tor "Surveys and Training for Development of Water Resources and Agricultural Production." One of the purposes of the Project is to "further the improvement of crop and animal husbandry and the adoption of irrigation Before attempting to improve, it is obvious one must study the existing systems of arable and pastoral farming, not only from the technical view—point the fertility of the land and the typos of crop and livestock it produces; but equally from the angle of the people concerned — their numbers, their methods of agriculture and animal husbandry, and how far these methods satisfy their requirements. That indeed is the task of the Sociologist and the Economist, The obvious starting point of such an enquiry must be an admission that in present circumstances and adopting present methods, the production from the land falls woefully short of the requirements of the people* But here it is necessary to quantify, that is to find out how many people, how many cattle, whether they are on the increase, and if so, at what rate. But just as the population is not static, neither are their means of production* So that, opens another line of enquiry, how are agricultural and pastoral methods changing, at what rate are they changing, and is the change alleviating or intensifying the obvious shortages. This requires some delving into history: what were the methods of the past, and how did they match up to the demands made upon them?
A Brief Review of Archaeological Remains in Tanganyika
(Fosbrooke, 1952) Fosbrooke, Henry A.
Tanganyika is rich in archaeological remains and those already found in the small portion of the Territory which has been subjected to extensive archaeological investigation indicate that many more sites of great scien¬tific value still await discovery. There is unfortunately as yet no compre¬hensive volume to which the enquirer can be referred comparable with publications dealing with adjacent territories, such as Dr. Leakey's “Stone Age Cultures of Kenya,” Dr. Clark’s “Stone Age Cultures of Northern Rhodesia,” or Rev. Neville Jones’ “Prehistory of Southern Rhodesia.” This paper will therefore attempt to summarize very briefly the present state of our knowledge of the known relics of Tanganyika’s past. For the purpose of these notes man’s past can be broadly divided into three periods, the prehistoric, the protohistoric and the historic. By the first, the prehistoric, we mean that period concerning which there are no. written or oral records available, by the protohistoric that period of which oral or traditional record is available, but nothing in writing, and by his¬toric that period covered by the written record. It will of course be obvious from what follows that these broad divisions must to some extent overlap. At one and the same time there are written records available concerning events on the coast known to the Portuguese in the 16th and 17th centuries, traditions preserved during this period amongst some up-country tribes who have enjoyed some stability of culture for a considerable period, and nothing but the stone implements of other folk now lost who were -co-exist¬ing at the same time with a culture still at the stone age level.
British Institute in Eastern Africa: Communications about the possibilities of irrigation, agriculture in rift valley
(Fosbrooke, 1961) Fosbrooke, Henry A.
Thankyou for both your letters of December (which arrived while i was in Zimbabwe) and all your kind comments and very useful observations will pass on those concerning irrigation to Bill Adams in Cambridge (whose irrigation summary you read in the recent Azania). He was with me briefly in Sonjo in September and impressed by the continuity of the agricultural and irrigation system from the time of Gray's (not entirely clear or complete) description to the present (ujamaa impact notwithstanding).. He is preparing an exploratory paper (for Africa?) with perhaps a little contribution from myself on the historical background to irrigation agriculture in the Rift Valley and from Tomasz Posnanski, a young anthropologist from Warsaw University, currently at Sussex, who spent some time at Samunge in 1985. We are hoping to do more there late this year and to attempt some more sophisticated measurements of the Engaruka channels, as the obvious follow-up to the recent Azania. At Oldonyo Sambu (Kura) I think I can now see signs of older stone- constructed (Engaruka-type) irrigation canals and field divisions which, if confirmed, will close the gap. geographical as we 11 as historical, between Engaruka and Sonjo. Following your observations, I suspect that the same holds at Sale.I will pass also to Bill Adams the copy of the illustration (based on Thornton) from Kersten of the furrow and flume on Kilimanjaro. It looks not dissimilar to a recent ’improvement’ built (with ’development’ money) to cross back over the river at Kisangiro Sonjo. Bill will also appreciate your sketch and notes of the Kimwani lakeside cultivation. That, and the Botswana example, should fit somewhere into his classification system subject though it is to constant adjustment and elaboration
Capital development authority urban growth strategy in the impact region
(Fosbrooke, 1976) Fosbrooke, Henry A.
Briefing on the Master Plan In the first session of the meeting at 11.00 hours on 1st of December, the team of the Zonal Town Planning officers was briefed on the Master Plan of the Capital City and Regional Strategy for the impact region. The briefing was done by Dr, Mosha, followed by some question-answers on various aspects of planning. Regrets for absence A reference was made by Senior Regional Planner to the absence of the representative of the Ministry of Land, Housing and Urban Development, whose presence in the meeting would have been very useful in sorting out some of the important issues at the ministry level. The meeting was also informed by the Zonal Town Planning Officer, Moshi, about creation of a new Zonal Office at Arusha, whose jurisdiction would extend over northern part of the impact region comprising the districts of Babati, Singida and Manyoni. Following difficulties, which are generally appplicable to all zones, were identified: 1. Lack of manpower and finances; 2. Planning is done on the regional basis and the zonal problems are not taken into consideration; 3. Absence of upto date large - scale base maps 5 km High priority is given to regional centres putting aside other towns even though there is a high demand of urban plots in such centres: 5. There is no provision for planning of expanding towns in regiohal development plans 5 6. Lack of transport facilities due to which the Zonal Office is not in a position t« take care of the problems in the area; 7. ZTP05bare not involved in master planning exercise of the expanding town, which is done by the Ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development* In discussion on the solution to the problems arising out of the present situation, the following recommendations were made for future line of action§ which were unanimously accepted:- 1. Circulation of the Capital City Master Plan to all the concerned districts; the point was also made that the release of Master Plan to ZTPO1s would be more useful, which should be considered (action: CDA) 2. Regions and Districts should be requested to keep provision in their budgets for the exercise of planning for the expanding towns . ~ (action: respective regions); 3. ZTPO1s should be fully involved in Master planning of the expanding towns in their respective areas, (action: Ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development),
The cattle factor in the Kondoa situation
(Fosbrooke, 1978) Fosbrooke, Henry A.
There is no need to emphasize the important part played by cattle in the erosion situation of Kondoa. As with the other facets of the problem, the physical factors are well known or can easily be ascertained,e.g number of cattle and small stock, acres of grazing available, acres per stock unit required in the varying grazing areas. If iy the human factors that present the imponderables; why do the Rangi keep cattle? are most of the cattle in the hands of a few rich owners, or evenly distributed amongst the population as required by the principles of social justice? who are the decision makers in the matter of sales, gifts and movements of cattle? - frequently the women have an important say in such matters. How far are cattle held for customary purposes, - payment of dowry, requirements for funeral or circumcision ceremonies etc. and how far for economics reasons purchase of food and clothing, payment of school fees and the alike ?
The CCTA/IUCN Symposium on the conservation of nature and natural resources in modern African states
(Fosbrooke, 1987) Fosbrooke, Henry A.
It is my great privilege today to open the Symposium on the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources in Modern African States, arranged under the aegis of the Commission for Technical Co-operation in Africa south of the Sahara and the International Union for the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources. It is, I suppose, the greatest assembly of experts on African game and African plant life that has ever met either inside or outside Africa. Its purpose is to discuss the urgent problem of finding ways and means of halting the drain on the Continent’s wild life and on the habitat upon which that wild life depends; and its conclusions will, I am confident, be of as much importance to the world at large as they will undoubtedly be to Africa. It is therefore most reassuring to see the number of distinguished delegates who are gathered here today; they come from most of the African States south of the Sahara, from Europe, and from America, and it is our firm intention to gather all the profit we can from the wisdom and experience they have brought with them to Arusha. You have before you a very large number and a very wide range of papers. You will have to consider not only the usual biological and ecological aspects of the conservation of nature and natural resources, but the intricate and specialized scientific problems which must be unraveled before a sure and certain approach can be made to the main issues; to endorse proposals to encourage tourism, in order both to satisfy the imagination of man, and to provide funds without which adequate conservation cannot be undertaken; to study schemes for the education and training of staff; to advise on public relations campaigns designed to create a climate of opinion sympathetic to the conservation of wild life; and, perhaps most important of all, to apply yourselves to the vast range of human and social issues which cannot fail to arise in any matter touching upon land and the use of land. I bid you all a most sincere welcome and have no doubt that your deliberations will prove fruitful. Most of you here today are specialists, and most of you will have approached the interlocking facets of this problem from a specialist’s point of view. I propose to speak to you as an administrator, and I should perhaps tell you of my qualifications for doing so. For the past thirty years—indeed, for almost the whole of my adult life—I have worked in Africa. In that time I have spent eighteen years as a field officer in the Provincial Administration, and for twelve of those eighteen years I lived in what is probably one of the most barren parts of Africa to be found south of the Sahara. I have, too, been closely concerned with the complicated metamorphosis of Colonial Territory into Independent African State, and with the constitutional, political, administrative and financial problems that accompany such a change. I have watched the development of aspirations towards nationhood, the growth of political stature, and the fulfilment of political ambitions; and have become aware of most of the difficulties that face a new country confronted with the dilemma of an expanding population and a burning desire to ensure that the new generation has a better standard of living and a higher level of social services than the old one. I hope, therefore, that I can combine a knowledge, gained at first hand, of the desiccation, degeneration and erosion of natural resources, with a fairly close experience of the human and social problems of a modern African state. I have, too, had the advantage . of working with one of the greatest exponents of wild life conservation in East Africa .I refer to Captain Archie Ritchie and with one of the most experienced and forceful architects of proper land use in both the Middle East and East Africa Mr. Ronald Waterer.

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